Chapter X - Munera ad Augustum

© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
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© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016


Augustus will “again set up the Golden Age amid the fields where Saturn once reigned, and shall spread his empire to a land that lies beyond the stars, and beyond the paths of the year the sun and the glittering stars.."
Virgil - (The Aeneid)
Panting and sweating, the slave-boy gymnasts lined up in front of the far end of the hall, where Gracchus sat, surrounded by his two guards, his slave-boy attendants and Markos.
The young, nude gymnasts bowed, - received a desultory wave from Gracchus, and some polite applause from the guests.
Gracchus then turned to Markos.
"Come !", he said, "I need to stretch my legs."
Markos put down the ornate, gilded wine jug, and followed his master.
As Gracchus rose from his seat, the other guests rose, as a sign of respect.
Gracchus then left the hall by a carefully concealed side-door, located by one of the large marble pillars, with Markos dutifully following.
The door led into yet another one of those secretive corridors, the existence of which was totally unknown the Markos, and perhaps to many others, who daily worked in the vast, opulent, labyrinthine villa.
The corridor led to another door.
Preparations for the Munera
'Durum' and 'Paratus'
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Gracchus opened it, and strode in.
Surprisingly, for Markos,  the room was an 'apodyterium' (changing room) - in this case reserved for the young gladiators who were to take part in the Munera.
The room contained six young gladiators - plus a number of slaves who were attending to them.
One of the boys was having oil rubbed into his shoulders and chest, while two others were having leather body harnesses buckled and adjusted.
Two of the lads, including the boys being oiled, were stark naked.
The other boys already had on brief thongs, along with arm-guards - and all wore Gracchus' silver slave collars - they were all Gracchus' boys.
The birth of the 'munera gladiatoria' originated with their Campanian (southern) or Etruscan (northern) neighbours.
The usual explanation for the Munera was that it was an Etruscan custom of making human sacrifices to celebrate the death of a nobleman, in order to appease the spirit of the dead. 
The theory of the Romans adopting the munera gladiatorial from their Etruscan neighbour seems eminently credible because of the evidence and information supporting it, and it is the origin which was believed by the Romans themselves.
For example, although there are representations of bloody combat from both Etruria and Campania, the physical remains from Etruria exist earlier by a century or more.
Campania was colonised by Ancient Greeks and was part of Magna Græcia. During the Roman era, the area maintained a Greco-Roman culture. Campania is rich in culture, especially in regard to gastronomy, music, architecture, and boasts such towns as Pompeii, Herculaneum, Paestum and Velia, and of course Baiae (the site of Gracchus' villa), and Cumae. The name of Campania itself is derived from Latin, as the Romans knew the region as 'Campania felix', which translates into English as "fertile countryside". 
In addition, when the surviving written records from the Roman period mention early munera they are given an Etruscan flavour.
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The Etruscan 'Death-demon' - Charon
Furthermore, a slain gladiator was removed from the fighting area by a man dressed as the Etruscan death-demon Charon.
In addition, the Romans imported the ideas of the afterlife from Etruria.
Finally, it has been ascertained that the Latin word for a trainer of gladiator is derived from the Etruscan language.
Sacrifice at a Munera
with Charon
The justification for the Munera, it appears, was that combat served a more positive function than direct human sacrifice that had been practice in the past.
Even though killing still occurred, at least the victor came out of the ritual alive.
The Munera, therefore were at first a part of religion and magic, though later on these features became less apparent and were almost forgotten, as the Munera was transformed into the Ludi (Gladiatorial Games).


GRACCHUS' MUNERA

Here at the Villa Auri, Gracchus had re-instated a true Munera, dedicated to the deceased Emperor - the Divine Augustus
In order to provide 'authenticity' to the re-enactment of an ancient custom, Gracchus had employed the services of his old friend, Novius (we will meet with Novius later, when he helps to solve the mystery of the prophecy of the Sibyl).
Novius claimed descent from the ancient Etruscan priesthood, and was learned in Etruscan ritual, and an expert on the Ertruscan and Oscan languages.
Nude Wrestling at an Etruscan Munera
Etruscan Human Sacrifice at a Munera
Etruscan was the spoken and written language of the Etruscan civilization, in Italy, in the ancient region of Etruria (modern Tuscany plus western Umbria and northern Latium) and in parts of Campania, Lombardy, Veneto, and Emilia-Romagna (where the Etruscans were displaced by Gauls). Etruscan influenced Latin, but was eventually completely superseded by it. Attested from 700 BC to AD 50, the language is not related to any living language; attempts to classify its origins and relations have continued for centuries. Grammatically, the language is agglutinating, with nouns and verbs showing suffixed inflectional endings and ablaut in some cases. Etruscan religion influenced that of the Romans and many of the few surviving Etruscan language artifacts are of votive or religious significance. Etruscan was written in an alphabet derived from the Greek alphabet; this alphabet was the source of the Latin alphabet. The Etruscan language is also believed to be the source of certain important cultural words of Western Europe such as 'military' and 'people', which do not have obvious Indo-European roots.
Oscan Priests Sacrificing
Oscan is an ancient Indo-European language of southern Italy. The language is also the namesake of the language group to which it belonged. As a member of the Italic languages, Oscan is therefore a sister language to Latin and Umbrian. Oscan was spoken by a number of tribes, including the Samnites, the Aurunci (Ausones), and the Sidicini. The latter two tribes were often grouped under the name "Osci". The language was spoken from approximately 500 BC to AD 100. Oscan had much in common with Latin, though there are also many striking differences, and many common word-groups in Latin were absent or represented by entirely different forms. 
As with the ancient form of Munera, at the end of each fight the loser would be sacrificed over the gilded bronze krater set by the steps at the far end of the banqueting hall (see images of nude wrestling and Oscan priests for representations of ancient kraters - above).
According to many scholars ancient ceramic kraters (large pots - normally intended for mixing wine) imitated shapes designed originally for metal. Among the largest and most famous metal kraters in antiquity were one in the possession of the Samian tyrant Polycrates, and another one dedicated by Croesus to the Delphic oracle. Their main production centres were Sparta, Argos and Corinth, in Peloponnesus. The Vix bronze crater, found in a Celtic tomb in central France is the largest known Greek krater, being 1.63 m in height and over 200 kg in weight. The use of bronze kraters was introduced into Italy by the Etruscans, and formed an essential part of sacrificial ritual. In Imperial times (when our story is set) patricians would often have bronze kraters gilded.
Sacrifice to deities of the heavens (di superi, "gods above") required white, infertile victims of their own sex: Juno a white heifer (possibly a white cow); Jupiter a white, castrated ox (bos mas) - however, 'Di superi', with strong connections to the earth, such as Mars, Janus, Neptune, were offered fertile victims.
For this reason, a sacrifice to the 'Divine Augustus', being 'Di superi', required that a losing fighter be castrated before his blood was spilled into the sacrificial krater.
The Munera that Gracchus was celebrating was a revival of a 'mos maiorum' - and 'ancestral custom'.
The 'customs of the ancestors' was and aspect of Roman culture which was of particular concern to Gracchus - for he felt that the neglect of such customs had been a contributing factor to what he saw as the recent the decline of the Roman state.
For this 'Munera' the slaves taking part in the fighting - who were known as 'bustuarii' (from the Latin bustum - meaning 'tomb' or a 'funeral pyre') - rather than gladiators, were 'kitted out' in white and black liveries.
Three boys wore white thongs, leg and arm guards, and gloves.
Three of the boys wore black thongs, leg and arm guards, and gloves.
If there was any significance in the choice of these two colours, non of the guest was aware of it.
It was announced by Terentius - who was acting as master of ceremonies - that each contest would be fought white against black - and to the death of one or both combatants.
In the case of this reconstruction by Gracchus of an ancient 'Munera', the weapon, (gladius), used by each fighter was specially designed.
Flanged Gladius
The two cutting edges of the blade were blunted, and the sharp, pointed tip was fitted, a short distance up the blade (from the tip), with a metal flange.
The purpose of the flange was to prevent the blade from penetrating deeply enough to cause any serious injury, while at the same time creating a superficial wound, accompanied by a copious blood flow (such blades were used by the presenters of 'Games', when they wanted to minimize gladiator losses, and were justly unpopular with Roman audiences - and were also used in the later stages of gladiator training).
The fight itself would continue until one or more such wounds had been inflicted.
The fighter showing the most bleeding would then be declared the loser, disarmed, and stripped.
He would then be castrated by the supervising slaves, (as was required for a sacrifice to deities of the heavens - di superi, "gods above" - see above), and then dragged over to the sacrificial krater.
There, the slave dressed as Charon would stun the the defeated fighter, (who was being held with his head over the gilded krater), with a heavy wooden mallet, in the same way that large sacrificial animals were stunned, prior to being sacrificially slain.
The partially unconscious, castrated fighter would then be decapitated and, while his blood poured from his neck into the krater, his head would be lifted high by his hair to be shown the assembled guests.
In this way, Gracchus maintained all the accepted rules and rituals for a legitimate religious sacrifice.
THE FIGHTS
  
Like most 'gladiatorial' contests, these fights were 'fixed'.
This may surprise aficionados of the 'media', (Films, TV and the like), which feature 'gladiators', but it would be a very foolish 'lanista' who risked losing his best fighters because of some accidental slip, stoke of bad-luck, or 'off day'.
It was the 'lanista' who provided his troupe of gladiators for sale or hire to the producer of the show. A reviled figure in Roman literature, compared by Martial with libellous informers and liars, the 'lanista' was 'infamis', and regarded as both a butcher (lanius), and a pimp (leno), because he traded in humans for profit. Gracchus, in our story is in an unusual position. Technically he owns all the slaves who appear and work in his arena. He then 'lends' the slaves them to his freedmen, who allocate certain of these slaves to 'senior slaves' (such as Pretonius), who train, manage an discipline the slaves. The slaves in question, who appear in the arena are both male and female, and are not only gladiators, wrestlers and boxers, but also singers, instrumentalists, actors, dancers and mimes.
Good gladiators, especially if they were good looking, as well as being strong and skilful were literally worth their weight in gold.
It was therefore financially essential to ensure that some valuable individuals, while they might appear in the arena because they were a great attraction for the audience, would be protected form injury and/or death.
To take part in what was, in effect, a sacrifice, required the consent of the participants.
When sacrificing animals, the sprinkling of the victim's head with water (or 'mola salsa' - see below) would cause the animal to nod or bow its head, which was perceived as a gesture of acceptance.
In ancient Roman religion, 'mola salsa' ("salted flour") was a mixture of coarse-ground, toasted emmer flour and salt used in every official sacrifice. It was sprinkled on the forehead, and between the horns of animal victims before they were sacrificed, as well as on the altar and in the sacred fire. It was a common offering to the household hearth. The substance was described as 'pius' ("reverently prepared" in this sense) and castus ("ritually pure"). The 'mola salsa' was so fundamental to sacrifice that "to put on the mola" (Latin 'immolare') came to mean "to sacrifice," hence English "immolation." Its use was one of the numerous religious traditions ascribed to Etruscan tradition.
Naturally, animals were not always fully cooperative, but in principle, the victim had to indicate its consent, particularly by lowering its head.
For this reason, it would generally be tied by a harness fastened to a ring at the foot of the altar so that, with a little help from the sacrificer, it would make the gesture of acquiescence.
Once the victim showed its submission, the knife was finally uncovered, a few hairs from the animal's head were shorn off with it and thrown into the altar fire.
It was for the reasons described above that the six boys were required to consent (supposedly of their own 'free will) to taking part in the 'Munera ad Augustum'.
In reality, of course, being slaves, they had very little choice in the matter.

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Petronius Prepares for the Munera
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Gracchus had carefully selected the three slave-boys who were to loose their fight and be sacrificed, or equally, one might say, he had selected the slave-boys who would survive the 'Munera'.
Petronius; not only one of Gracchus favourites, but also an important individual, involved in the planning and preparations of presentations in Gracchus' arena, would obviously survive.
He had been matched against Valentius - a young gladiator who had not proved himself during his training period.
Slow and 'dim-witted', if he was not killed in the 'Munera', then he would be killed in his first fight.
Gracchus therefore thought it best to let the boy be a sacrifice, and it least in that way he might prove himself of some value.
A young lad called Asper had been matched against Durus.
For  this fight Durus had 'drawn the short straw', so to speak, and was destined to be killed.
For the final fight Atticus had been matched against Ferox.
Ferox was a good, 'up and coming fighter'.
Atticus, however, while a good swordsman, was ill-disciplined and unruly, being appallingly over-sexed, and making himself a constant nuisance to the younger slave-boys.
Gracchus had therefore decided that it would be best to be rid of him, and while he could have easily sold the boy, (Gracchus did not like selling 'bad' slaves, as the buyers would probably be dissatisfied, and his reputation as a respected dealer would be damaged), it seemed more appropriate, and better for his reputation  to have the hot-blood of the young 'buck' used in the sacrifice.
Being castrated before his decapitation, would also seem to be appropriate for such an obviously 'over-sexed' young lad.
Once the boys were fully 'kitted out', the attending slaves, plus three freedmen lined up to process into the banqueting hall, via the main, double doors.
On their way they collected a couple of cornicenes (trumpeters), courtesy of Tribune Marcellus, and a pair of priests.
In this way, they formed a small 'pompa', although, being a 'proper' munera, this 'pompa' would have none of the elaboration to be seen in Gracchus' arena, and would be nothing like the 'over-blown' shows put on in Rome.
The six teenage gladiators, along with the members of the 'pompa' entered the reception hall, to the subdued applause of the guests.

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As this was a 'munera' - a religious rite, not further applause, cheering, or noise of any kind was then permitted.
It was then the turn of the priests to make a petitionary prayer to 'ingenium Divi Augustus' (the 'genius' of the Divine Augustus), and sprinkle the boys' heads with sacred water from the Temple of Apollo at Cumae.
'Mola salsa' was then sprinkled on each boy's hair, and the boys bowed towards the raised area where Gracchus was seated in front of the bust of 'Divi Auguustus' (the Divine Augustus).
The bow symbolised their willingness to accept the fact that they would be sacrificed if they lost the fight.
The four  bustuarii who were not fighting yet then left the banqueting hall, as it was not considered advisable for them to witness the possible fate that awaited them.

PRIMA PVGNA
(THE FIRST FIGHT)

The supervising slaves then moved to the sides of the banqueting hall, and two slaves brought in swords, one of which was given to each of the bustuarii who were to begin the 'Munera'.
One of the swords was not only flanged, but was also blunted at the tip, and was given to Valentius, so Petronius was almost certain to win this fight, and Valentius would be killed.
 Petronius
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Valentius
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As soon as the fight began it was obvious that Petronius was the superior swordsman.
It was equally obvious that Valentius' blade had been blunted.
While Petronius' jabs had drawn blood on Valentius' belly and chest, none of Valentius' jabs had any effect on Petronius.
By then although, as intended, Valentius had not sustained any serious injury, he was declared the loser by the senior supervising slave, and ordered to give up his gladius.
Valentius had no choice, and handed over the useless sword.
At this point young Bellus came forward.
So who was Bellus ?
Arena Slave at Gracchus' Munera
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Bellus was a new young slave, who had been given the Latin name 'Bellus' by Gracchus. 'Bellus' is Latin slang for 'cute'. The boy was to be used as an 'arena-slave', that is a slave who took part in events in the arena, but not as an actual performer. His role was a little different to an 'amphitheater worker', who was a slave who was involved in cleaning, maintenance, construction etc. Arena slaves often made contact with performers in the arena, and on most occasions were involved in supervising and/or assisting events in the arena. As such they were require to appear in the arena itself, in the presence of the audience. They were therefore required to be attractive, and normally wore a uniform of  black leather braccae (what we would call trousers or breeches) black leather cross-belts and studded black leather wrist-guards, with exposed arms and upper body. 'Bellus', because he was so youthful-looking and 'cute', was being trained to perform actions intended to humiliate defeated combatants in the arena - for example tying up individuals, and applying mild forms of torture. Eventually he would be required to emasculate and rape defeated combatants before the were 'finished off' by their opponents, but that would be in the future, if he proved himself suitable.
In this Munera, it was Bellus' job (possibly with some assistance from an older, more experience slave) to tie the hands of the defeated bustuari behind his back.
This was easy for Bellus, as by this point Valentius had effectively 'given up'.
Meanwhile, Petronius, completely unmarked from the combat, stood and watched.
Bellus then untied Valentius' thong.
Valentius - Bound and Stripped before his Castration
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Valentius looked shocked as the as the cute young boy untied the chords that secured the brief loincloth.
He had obviously not realized the actuality of what was happening to him, but could do nothing as the bulging pouch dropped away, revealing a leather harness which was combined with a silver ring.
It was basically a leather thong, with a hole in the front, - the hole edged with a silver ring, from which poked  Valentius' bulky genitals.
Above the silver ring, and covering his pubic 'bush', was a triangle of leather, attached to which were four, thin horizontal straps, which secured his thick penis in an upright position.
The combination of silver ring round the root of his genitals, and straps round his penis, of course, had given the lad a sizeable erection.
His stiff cock was held vertically, and what the Romans called the 'glans' (acorn) was exposed.
For the Romans, who were all uncircumcised, the exposure of the 'glans' was the greatest obscenity imaginable, and therefore the greatest humiliation - and in addition, Valentius was so excited that 'preseminal fluid' ('pre cum') was dribbling from his 'meatus' (literally passage or pathway - cock slit).
The purpose of this leather harness, however, was not to create an erection, or to humiliate the wearer, but was rather to completely expose the boy's scrotum, containing his testicles, in order to make it simple and easy for the supervising slaves to castrate him.
Bellus and his companion then forced the shocked and exposed boy down onto his knees.
The older slave then brought out a knife from a leather scabbard at his side, while Bellus watched, fascinated.
"No ! Please !", Valentius groaned quietly. "Not my balls !...... Not my bollocks !...".
The slave with the knife reached down, and as he did so Valentius' cock swelled and stiffened.
The slave grasped the boy's well filled, shaved ball-sack.
"Oh !..... No !....", Valentius sighed as, looking down at his now fully erect cock and, unable to help himself, his creamy seed shot up, splashing his chin, and then splattered over his heaving, sweaty chest and belly.
As he squirted his 'seed', the knife cut through his bulging scrotum, removing his testicles,  - instantly making him a 'gelding'.
His plump, shaved, and now bloody scrotum fell to the marble floor, and blood started spurting from his mutilated crotch.
"Oh fuck !", he grunted, realizing that he was about to be killed, while he slumped down onto his back, with his legs jerking spasmodically.
Valentius' cock had by then shrivelled, and it was easy for young Bellus, who had been holding him, to remove the now soft, still dribbling penis from the leather harness, which he then unbuckled and stripped from the castrated young bustuari.
The two slaves together then turned Valentius over onto his belly.
"Shit ! I've got no balls......!" Valentius moaned quietly, as he was flopped over onto the cold marble floor
Having just been castrated, the castrated, Valentius couldn't use his legs, so the slaves dragged the naked, mutilated fighter on his belly, over to the gilded bronze krater.
Slave Dressed as the Etruscan Charon
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As the slaves dragged the groaning young bustuari over to the krater, with his legs trailing behind him, and occasionally twitching, he left a trail of blood from his mutilated groin.
At the same time, a sinister figure entered the banqueting hall.
He was wearing black leather, like the other supervising slaves but, in addition, he was wearing the mask of the Etruscan 'daemonem' Charon (Karun), and was carrying a hammer.
In Etruscan mythology, Charon acted as 'psychopompoi' of the underworld.
The Etruscan Charon was fundamentally different from his Greek counterpart. Guarding the entry to the underworld he is depicted with a hammer (his religious symbol), and is shown with pointed ears, heavy brow ridges, snakes around his arms, and a blueish coloration symbolizing the decay of death, large lips, fiery eyes,  and snakes around his arm. There are examples, on the sarcophagus of Laris Pulenas, as well as a red figure stamnos from Orbetello, that illustrate Charun in a menacing fashion, depicting him threatening a male figure with his hammer. Much later, in Rome, a figure based on Charon, called Dispater, would strike the loser of a combat with a heavy hammer. Charon's task at the Munera, therefore, was to strike the loser with the hammer, so that he would be partially stunned, and therefore unlikely to resist the fatal cut. Such resistance would be considered a bad omen, and possibly invalidate the sacrifice, which would then have to be repeated. 
The slave, who had been responsible for castrating Valentius, picked up the defeated fighter's bloody, severed scrotum, and followed the slaves, who were dragging the body over to the krater.
While the trembling, twitching body of Valentius was draped over the krater, with his head centered on the 'mouth' of the large vessel, the slave with the defeated fighter's testicles dropped them onto the marble floor beside the terrified lad.
Later the severed scrotum would be put into into a bronze bowl - the bowl supported by a gilded tripod, standing close to the krater.
Charun now stood over the naked young bustuari.
"Please !....", Valentius groaned, helplessly.
The priests took that a auguring well, indicating that the victim was consenting to being sacrificed, and nodded to 'Charun' to strike the boy.
In fact Valentius was probably begging for mercy, but that was neither here not there, as 'Charun' swung his hammer, stunning the boy with a heavy blow.
The slave who had performed the castration then went over to Valentius with a sword, and pulled the young lad's head up by his hair.

Valentius, who was already spraying urine from his fat, limp, dangling prick down onto the marble floor, starred pitifully up to where Gracchus was sitting, with Markos standing beside him, in front of the gilded bust of Augustus.
The slave, holding his head up by his hair, then sliced through his neck, decapitating the naked boy.
Valentius farted loudly, and his headless body jerked convulsively, with his legs twitching uncontrollably for a few moments, as his blood gushed from his severed neck into the krater.
Then the castrated, headless lad went completely limp.
Valentius head was initially place on the ornate floor,close to his severed balls.
The two slaves who had been holding him then lifted the naked corpse off the krater, and turned the bleeding body over, onto it's back, while 'Charun' held up Valentius' severed head.
The young lad's final expression was one of pleading shock, with its mouth open, and eyes staring wide.
Petronius had seen enough; and turned to leave the banqueting hall, but a slave approached him to tell him that Gracchus wished to personally congratulate him.
SECVNDO PUGNA
(THE SECOND FIGHT)

After the conclusion of the first fight, and the resulting sacrifice, there was a faint hum of conversation from the assembled guests.
Meanwhile, the next two bustuarii were ushered into the banqueting hall.
These boys were Asper and Durus.
Duruss, although he did not know it, was the boy to be sacrificed.
Undoubtedly the guests would have been hoping that he would be the victor, as he was undoubtedly the 'cutest' out of the two boys.
Again, two slaves brought in swords, one of which was given to each of the bustuarii who were to begin the 'Munera', and it was Durus who got the blunted sword.
The fight unfolded very much as the previous fight had - although in the 'Munera', unlike the 'Ludi', it was the sacrifice that was important, and not the fight.
Durus, of course, lost, which disappointed many of the guests.
The handsome young lad was quickly tied up and stripped of his tiny loincloth.
Like Valentius, he was wearing an elaborate leather thong, with a silver ring, and straps holding his penis upright.
Being younger than Valentius, he had much less pubic hair, and relatively small genitals, however, his scrotum was bulging and well filled, and was an easy target for the slave who was responsible for castrating the 'cute' bustuari.
"Oh shit !", was all the lad quietly grunted, as the supervising slave pulled at his ball-bag, causing Durus to involuntarily 'cum'.
The slave, showing consideration for the young  bustuari, allowed the naked boy's orgasm to subside.
A second later the boy, with spunk dribbling down his belly onto his neat little 'bush',  squealed "Fuck !", as the knife cut away his balls.
His severed scrotum, containing his testicles, was finally lying in a small pool of blood on the marble floor of the banqueting hall.
The slaves then quickly unstrapped the complex, leather thong from the naked boy's penis and crotch.
At that point his legs were convulsively twitching, and his delicately lashed eyelids were fluttering.
As young Durus appeared to have fainted, it was therefore an easy matter for the slaves to drag him over to the krater.
'Charun', realising that the mutilated, naked boy was barely conscious, saw no need to stun him, and just gave the lad's head a symbolic tap with his hammer.
Durus grunted, and then in a few seconds, his pretty little head had been sliced from his body.
At that point, as a slave lifted the dead boy's head for all the guests to see, the only sounds that could be heard was the sound of Durus' blood splashing down into the already partly filled krater, and the sound of his piss splattering onto the marble floor.
Asper, looking as if the fate that Durus had undergone had shocked him, quietly left the banqueting hall.
Meanwhile Durus' corpse was pulled off the krater.
He was turned over onto his back, and laid beside Valentius, while a slave added Durus' testicles to those of Valentius, which were already in the bronze bowl mounted on the tripod.
TERTIA PVGNA
(THE THIRD FIGHT)

The final combat of the 'Munera' was between Atticus and Ferox.
This proceed like the previous two fights.
The two bustuarii were ushered into the banqueting hall, and this time it was Atticus who was to be the boy to be sacrificed.
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Ferox
Again, two slaves brought in swords, one of which was given to each of the bustuarii who were to begin the 'Munera', however, quite by accident (?), it was Ferox who got the blunted sword.
The mistake (presuming it was just a mistake), became obvious very early on in the fight, with Ferox unable to make a mark on Atticus, while Ferox himself was very soon bleeding quite profusely.
Gracchus was furious - as he had wanted to be rid of Atticus for some time - but there was nothing that he could do.
This was a 'munera', and as such a religious rite, and no one could interfere, or intervene, in the proceedings.
Atticus, however, was grinning from ear to ear, realizing that he had undoubtedly won.
And so Ferox declared the loser by the senior supervising slave, and ordered to give up his gladius.
Poor Ferox had no choice.
"It's not fair !", he grumbled, confidentially to the senior supervising slave, "I should have won !".
 However, he had no option but to and hand over his useless gladius
At the same time two slaves came up behind him, grabbed his arms, and tied them behind his back.
Atticus then handed his own gladius over to the slave who usually dealt with the castration of the loser and, without so much as a 'by your leave', took over.
"Let's see what you've got in there !", he said quietly to poor Ferox, who was tied up and held by two of the arena slaves.
With that he untied the cords of Ferox's loincloth, to expose the leather harness which was holding the boy's penis vertically.
There was very little need for the straps, however, as Ferox was massively erect.
"Let's have the knife !", Atticus said to the arena slave who was accompanying him.
Somewhat reluctantly the arena slave gave the blustering young fighter the knife used for the castrations.
Atticus then grabbed hold of Ferox's ball-bag, which was poking out of the silver ring of the harness, along with his huge, engorged prick.
"No  ! Please !", Ferox groaned, looking down at his huge cock, which was already dribbling pre-cum.
Atticus squeezed and twisted the helpless boy's scrotum.
"Shit ! NO !....My fuckin' balls !", Ferox moaned, and then squirted his spunk.
The first spurt hit his chin, and the rest splattered over his chest and belly.
As he was 'cumming', Atticus pulled the knife up from the root of the squirming boy's ball-bag.
Ferox's hefty balls came away in Atticus hand, and he handed the knife back to the slave standing beside him.
"What's it feel like, Ferox !", Atticus asked quietly, dropping the boy's severed testicles onto the marble floor.
Looking down at his bleeding, mutilated crotch, Ferox said nothing, but just groaned, as he sank to the marble floor, with blood running down the inside of his muscular, twitching thighs.
While Atticus watched, the slaves stripped Ferox, now a helpless eunuch,  of his leather thong, and dragged the naked, castrated boy over to the gilded bronze krater.
"Oh God !", Ferox groaned, obviously appalled at the prospect of his imminent death.
The priests, however, interpreted it as a good augury, and encouraged 'Charun' to incapacitated the lad before anything could go wrong.
A swift, hard blow to Ferox's skull, knocked young Ferox out 'cold', and a slave swiftly decapitated the already urinating lad.
Ferox's severed head, with its gaping mouth, was then held up by one of the slave, much to Gracchus' annoyance.
Meanwile, Ferox's naked, headless corpse was pulled off the krater.
He was turned over onto his back, and laid beside Durus and Valentius, while a slave added  Ferox's testicles to those of Durus and Valentius, which were already in the bronze bowl mounted on the tripod.
 (images of the munera continue to be in the process of preparation)

for more information about 'real gladiators' go to

© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016

MVNERA EPICINIVM
(Aftermath of the Munera)

The bloody and violent Munera itself was at an end.
The naked and mutilated bodies of the slain fighters were then dragged out of the banqueting hall, feet first.
The mosaic and marble floor washed.
At the same time the krater, now nearly filled with fresh blood, and the bowl, containing the six testicles from the three boys, which was mounted on the ornate tripod, were removed from the banqueting hall.
Then, a group of ten young slave boys, all decorously dressed in white, entered by the main doors to the reception hall, accompanied by Lucius, (Markos' Latin tutor) - dressed in his finest white toga, and bearing in his hands a rolled parchment.
The boys stood in a line, and sang a short choral ode to the memory of the 'Divine Augustus'.
Lucius then stepped forward, cleared his throat, and bowed to Gracchus.
"Here now is the 'Res Gestae Divi Augusti'.", he proclaimed rather grandly.
He then began his reading from the parchment:
© Copyright Peter Crawford 2016
reproduced from 'The Roman Principate' - with permission

RES GESTAE DIVI AVGVSTI 
'Res Gestae Divi Augusti' (The Deeds of the Divine Augustus) is the funerary inscription of the first Roman emperor, Octavian Augustus, giving a first-person record of his life and accomplishments.
The Res Gestae is especially significant because it gives an insight into the image Augustus portrayed to the Roman people.
The inscription is grouped in four sections, political career, public benefactions, military accomplishments and a political statement.
Augustus left the text with his will, which instructed the Senate to set up the inscriptions.
The original was engraved upon a pair of bronze pillars, and placed in front of Augustus' mausoleum. 
© Copyright Peter Crawford 2016
reproduced from 'The Roman Principate' - with permission
'In my nineteenth year, on my own initiative and at my own expense, I raised an army with which I set free the state, which was oppressed by the domination of a faction. For that reason, the senate enrolled me in its order by laudatory resolutions, when Gaius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius were consuls (43 B.C.E.), assigning me the place of a consul in the giving of opinions, and gave me the imperium. With me as propraetor, it ordered me, together with the consuls, to take care lest any detriment befall the state. But the people made me consul in the same year, when the consuls each perished in battle, and they made me a triumvir for the settling of the state. 
I drove the men who slaughtered my father into exile with a legal order, punishing their crime, and afterwards, when they waged war on the state, I conquered them in two battles. 
I often waged war, civil and foreign, on the earth and sea, in the whole wide world, and as victor I spared all the citizens who sought pardon. As for foreign nations, those which I was able to safely forgive, I preferred to preserve than to destroy. About five hundred thousand Roman citizens were sworn to me. I led something more than three hundred thousand of them into colonies and I returned them to their cities, after their stipend had been earned, and I assigned all of them fields or gave them money for their military service. I captured six hundred ships in addition to those smaller than triremes. 
Twice I triumphed with an ovation, and three times I enjoyeda curule triumph and twenty one times I was named emperor. When the senate decreed more triumphs for me, I sat out from all of them. I placed the laurel from the fasces in the Capitol, when the vows which I pronounced in each war had been fulfilled. On account of the things successfully done by me and through my officers, under my auspices, on earth and sea, the senate decreed fifty-five times that there be sacrifices to the immortal gods. Moreover there were 890 days on which the senate decreed there would be sacrifices. In my triumphs kings and nine children of kings were led before my chariot. I had been consul thirteen times, when I wrote this, and I was in the thirty-seventh year of tribunician power (14 A.C.E.). 
When the dictatorship was offered to me, both in my presence and my absence, by the people and senate, when Marcus Marcellus and Lucius Arruntius were consuls (22 B.C.E.), I did not accept it. I did not evade the curatorship of grain in the height of the food shortage, which I so arranged that within a few days I freed the entire city from the present fear and danger by my own expense and administration. When the annual and perpetual consulate was then again offered to me, I did not accept it. 
When Marcus Vinicius and Quintus Lucretius were consuls (19 B.C.E.), then again when Publius Lentulus and Gnaeus Lentulus were (18 B.C.E.), and third when Paullus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Tubero were (11 B.C.E.), although the senateand Roman people consented that I alone be made curator of the laws and customs with the highest power, I received no magistracy offered contrary to the customs of the ancestors. What the senate then wanted to accomplish through me, I did through tribunician power, and five times on my own accord I both requested and received from the senate a colleague in such power. 
I was triumvir for the settling of the state for ten continuous years. I was first of the senate up to that day on which I wrote this, for forty years. I was high priest, augur, one of the Fifteen for the performance of rites, one of the Seven of the sacred feasts, brother of Arvis, fellow of Titus, and Fetial. 
When I was consul the fifth time (29 B.C.E.), I increased the number of patricians by order of the people and senate. I read the roll of the senate three times, and in my sixth consulate (28 B.C.E.) I made a census of the people with Marcus Agrippa as my colleague. I conducted a lustrum, after a forty-one year gap, in which lustrum were counted 4,063,000 heads of Roman citizens. Then again, with consular imperium I conducted a lustrum alone when Gaius Censorinus and Gaius Asinius were consuls (8 B.C.E.), in which lustrum were counted 4,233,000 heads of Roman citizens. And the third time, with consular imperium, I conducted a lustrum with my son Tiberius Caesar as colleague, when Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Appuleius were consuls (14 A.C.E.), in which lustrum were counted 4,937,000 of the heads of Roman citizens. By new laws passed with my sponsorship, I restored many traditions of the ancestors, which were falling into disuse in our age, and myself I handed on precedents of many things to be imitated in later generations. 
The senate decreed that vows be undertaken for my health by the consuls and priests every fifth year. In fulfillment of these vows they often celebrated games for my life; several times the four highest colleges of priests, several times the consuls. Also both privately and as a city all the citizens unanimously and continuously prayed at all the shrines for my health. 
By a senate decree my name was included in the Saliar Hymn, and it was sanctified by a law, both that I would be sacrosanct for ever, and that, as long as I would live, the tribunician power would be mine. I was unwilling to be high priest in the place of my living colleague; when the people offered me that priesthood which my father had, I refused it. And I received that priesthood, after several years, with the death of him who had occupied it since the opportunity of the civil disturbance, with a multitude flocking together out of all Italy to my election, so many as had never before been in Rome, when Publius Sulpicius and Gaius Valgius were consuls (12 B.C.E.). 
The senate consecrated the altar of Fortune the Bringer-back before the temples of Honor and Virtue at the Campanian gate for my retrn, on which it ordered the priests and Vestal virgins to offer yearly sacrifices on the day when I had returned to the city from Syria (when Quintus Lucretius and Marcus Vinicius were consuls (19 Bc)), and it named that day Augustalia after my cognomen. 
By the authority of the senate, a part of the praetors and tribunes of the plebs, with consul Quintus Lucretius and the leading men, was sent to meet me in Campania, which honor had been decreed for no one but me until that time. When I returned to Rome from Spain and Gaul, having successfully accomplished matters in those provinces, when Tiberius Nero and Publius Quintilius were consuls (13 B.C.E.), the senate voted to consecrate the altar of August Peace in the field of Mars for my return, on which it ordered the magistrates and priests and Vestal virgins to offer annual sacrifices. 
Our ancestors wanted Janus Quirinus to be closed when throughout the all the rule of the Roman people, by land and sea, peace had been secured through victory. Although before my birth it had been closed twice in all in recorded memory from the founding of the city, the senate voted three times in my principate that it be closed. 
When my sons Gaius and Lucius Caesar, whom fortune stole from me as youths, were fourteen, the senate and Roman people made them consuls-designate on behalf of my honor, so that they would enter that magistracy after five years, and the senate decreed that on thatday when they were led into the forum they would be included in public councils. Moreover the Roman knights together named each of them first of the youth and gave them shields and spears. 
I paid to the Roman plebs, HS 300 per man from my father's will and in my own name gave HS 400 from the spoils of war when I was consul for the fifth time (29 B.C.E.); furthermore I again paid out a public gift of HS 400 per man, in my tenth consulate (24 B.C.E.), from my own patrimony; and, when consul for the eleventh time (23 B.C.E.), twelve doles of grain personally bought were measured out; and in my twelfth year of tribunician power (12-11 B.C.E.) I gave HS 400 per man for the third time. And these public gifts of mine never reached fewer than 250,000 men. In my eighteenth year of tribunician power, as consul for the twelfth time (5 B.C.E.), I gave to 320,000 plebs of the city HS 240 per man. And, when consul the fifth time (29 B.C.E.), I gave from my war-spoils to colonies of my soldiers each HS 1000 per man; about 120,000 men i the colonies received this triumphal public gift. Consul for the thirteenth time (2 B.C.E.), I gave HS 240 to the plebs who then received the public grain; they were a few more than 200,000. 
I paid the towns money for the fields which I had assigned to soldiers in my fourth consulate (30 B.C.E.) and then when Marcus Crassus and Gnaeus Lentulus Augur were consuls (14 B.C.E.); the sum was about HS 600,000,000 which I paid out for Italian estates, and about HS 260,000,000 which I paid for provincial fields. I was first and alone who did this among all who founded military colonies in Italy or the provinces according to the memory of my age. And afterwards, when Tiberius Nero and Gnaeus Piso were consuls (7 B.C.E.), and likewise when Gaius Antistius and Decius Laelius were consuls (6 B.C.E.), and when Gaius Calvisius and Lucius Passienus were consuls (4 B.C.E.), and when Lucius Lentulus and Marcus Messalla were consuls (3 B.C.E.), and when Lucius Caninius and Quintus Fabricius were consuls (2 B.C.E.) , I paid out rewards in cash to the soldiers whom I had led into their towns when their service was completed, and in this venture I spent about HS 400,000,000. 
Four times I helped the senatorial treasury with my money, so that I offered HS 150,000,000 to those who were in charge of the treasury. And when Marcus Lepidus and Luciu Arruntius were consuls (6 A.C.E.), I offered HS 170,000,000 from my patrimony to the military treasury, which was founded by my advice and from which rewards were given to soldiers who had served twenty or more times. 
From that year when Gnaeus and Publius Lentulus were consuls (18 Bc), when the taxes fell short, I gave out contributions of grain and money from my granary and patrimony, sometimes to 100,000 men, sometimes to many more. 
I built the senate-house and the Chalcidicum which adjoins it and the temple of Apollo on the Palatine with porticos, the temple of divine Julius, the Lupercal, the portico at the Flaminian circus, which I allowed to be called by the name Octavian, after he who had earlier built in the same place, the state box at the great circus, the temple on the Capitoline of Jupiter Subduer and Jupiter Thunderer, the temple of Quirinus, the temples of Minerva and Queen Juno and Jupiter Liberator on the Aventine, the temple of the Lares at the top of the holy street, the temple of the gods of the Penates on the Velian, the temple of Youth, and the temple of the Great Mother on the Palatine. 
I rebuilt the Capitol and the theater of Pompey, each work at enormous cost, without any inscription of my name. I rebuilt aqueducts in many places that had decayed with age, and I doubled the capacity of the Marcian aqueduct by sending a new spring into its channel. I completed the Forum of Julius and the basilic which he built between the temple of Castor and the temple of Saturn, works begun and almost finished by my father. When the same basilica was burned with fire I expanded its grounds and I began it under an inscription of the name of my sons, and, if I should not complete it alive, I ordered it to be completed by my heirs. Consul for the sixth time (28 B.C.E.), I rebuilt eighty-two temples of the gods in the city by the authority of the senate, omitting nothing which ought to have been rebuilt at that time. Consul for the seventh time (27 B.C.E.), I rebuilt the Flaminian road from the city to Ariminum and all the bridges except the Mulvian and Minucian. 
I built the temple of Mars Ultor on private ground and the forum of Augustus from war-spoils. I build the theater at the temple of Apollo on ground largely bought from private owners, under the name of Marcus Marcellus my son-in-law. I consecrated gifts from war-spoils in the Capitol and in the temple of divine Julius, in the temple of Apollo, in the tempe of Vesta, and in the temple of Mars Ultor, which cost me about HS 100,000,000. I sent back gold crowns weighing 35,000 to the towns and colonies of Italy, which had been contributed for my triumphs, and later, however many times I was named emperor, I refused gold crowns from the towns and colonies which they equally kindly decreed, and before they had decreed them. 
Three times I gave shows of gladiators under my name and five times under the name of my sons and grandsons; in these shows about 10,000 men fought. Twice I furnished under my name spectacles of athletes gathered from everywhere, and three times under my grandson's name. I celebrated games under my name four times, and furthermore in the place of other magistrates twenty-three times. As master of the college I celebrated the secular games for the college of the Fifteen, with my colleague Marcus Agrippa, when Gaius Furnius and Gaius Silanus were consuls (17 B.C.E.). Consul for the thirteenth time (2 B.C.E.), I celebrated the first games of Mas, which after that time thereafter in following years, by a senate decree and a law, the consuls were to celebrate. Twenty-six times, under my name or that of my sons and grandsons, I gave the people hunts of African beasts in the circus, in the open, or in the amphitheater; in them about 3,500 beasts were killed. 
I gave the people a spectacle of a naval battle, in the place across the Tiber where the grove of the Caesars is now, with the ground excavated in length 1,800 feet, in width 1,200, in which thirty beaked ships, biremes or triremes, but many smaller, fought among themselves; in these ships about 3,000 men fought in addition to the rowers. 
In the temples of all the cities of the province of Asia, as victor, I replaced the ornaments which he with whom I fought the war had possessed privately after he despoiled the temples. Silver statues of me-on foot, on horseback, and standing in a chariot-were erected in about eighty cities, which I myself removed, and from the money I placed goldn offerings in the temple of Apollo under my name and of those who paid the honor of the statues to me. 
I restored peace to the sea from pirates. In that slave war I handed over to their masters for the infliction of punishments about 30,000 captured, who had fled their masters and taken up arms against the state. All Italy swore allegiance to me voluntarily, and demanded me as leader of the war which I won at Actium; the provinces of Gaul, Spain, Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia swore the same allegiance. And those who then fought under my standard were more than 700 senators, among whom 83 were made consuls either before or after, up to the day this was written, and about 170 were made priests. 
I extended the borders of all the provinces of the Roman people which neighbored nations not subject to our rule. I restored peace to the provinces of Gaul and Spain, likewise Germany, which includes the ocean from Cadiz to the mouth of the river Elbe. I brought peace to the Alps from the region which i near the Adriatic Sea to the Tuscan, with no unjust war waged against any nation. I sailed my ships on the ocean from the mouth of the Rhine to the east region up to the borders of the Cimbri, where no Roman had gone before that time by land or sea, and the Cimbri and the Charydes and the Semnones and the other Germans of the same territory sought by envoys the friendship of me and of the Roman people. By my order and auspices two armies were led at about the same time into Ethiopia and into that part of Arabia which is called Happy, and the troops of each nation of enemies were slaughtered in battle and many towns captured. They penetrated into Ethiopia all the way to the town Nabata, which is near to Meroe; and into Arabia all the way to the border of the Sabaei, advancing to the town Mariba. 
I added Egypt to the rule of the Roman people. When Artaxes, king of Greater Armenia, was killed, though I could have made it a province, I preferred, by the example of our elders, to hand over that kingdomto Tigranes, son of king Artavasdes, and grandson of King Tigranes, through Tiberius Nero, who was then my step-son. And the same nation, after revolting and rebelling, and subdued through my son Gaius, I handed over to be ruled by King Ariobarzanes son of Artabazus, King of the Medes, and after his death, to his son Artavasdes; and when he was killed, I sent Tigranes, who came from the royal clan of the Armenians, into that rule. I recovered all the provinces which lie across the Adriatic to the east and Cyrene, with kings now possessing them in large part, and Sicily and Sardina, which had been occupied earlier in the slave war. 
I founded colonies of soldiers in Africa, Sicily, Macedonia, each Spain, Greece, Asia, Syria, Narbonian Gaul, and Pisidia, and furthermore had twenty-eight colonies founded in Italy under my authority, which were very populous and crowded while I lived. 
I recovered from Spain, Gaul, and Dalmatia the many military standards lost through other leaders, after defeating te enemies. I compelled the Parthians to return to me the spoils and standards of three Roman armies, and as suppliants to seek the friendship of the Roman people. Furthermore I placed those standards in the sanctuary of the temple of Mars Ultor. 
As for the tribes of the Pannonians, before my principate no army of the Roman people had entered their land. When they were conquered through Tiberius Nero, who was then my step-son and emissary, I subjected them to the rule of the Roman people and extended the borders of Illyricum to the shores of the river Danube. On the near side of it the army of the Dacians was conquered and overcome under my auspices, and then my army, led across the Danube, forced the tribes of the Dacians to bear the rule of the Roman people. 
Emissaries from the Indian kings were often sent to me, which had not been seen before that time by any Roman leader. The Bastarnae, the Scythians, and the Sarmatians, who are on this side of the river Don and the kings further away, an the kings of the Albanians, of the Iberians, and of the Medes, sought our friendship through emissaries. 
To me were sent supplications by kings: of the Parthians, Tiridates and later Phrates son of king Phrates, of the Medes, Artavasdes, of the Adiabeni, Artaxares, of the Britons, Dumnobellaunus and Tincommius, of the Sugambri, Maelo, of the Marcomanian Suebi (...) (-)rus. King Phrates of the Parthians, son of Orodes, sent all his sons and grandsons into Italy to me, though defeated in no war, but seeking our friendship through the pledges of his children. And in my principate many other peoples experienced the faith of the Roman people, of whom nothing had previously existed of embassies or interchange of friendship with the Roman people. 
The nations of the Parthians and Medes received from me the first kings of those nations which they sought by emissaries: the Parthians, Vonones son of king Phrates, grandson of king Orodes, the Medes, Ariobarzanes, son of king Artavasdes, grandson of king Aiobarzanes. 
In my sixth and seventh consulates (28-27 B.C.E.), after putting out the civil war, having obtained all things by universal consent, I handed over the state from my power to the dominion of the senate and Roman people. And for this merit of mine, by a senate decree, I was called Augustus and the doors of my temple were publicly clothed with laurel and a civic crown was fixed over my door and a gold shield placed in the Julian senate-house, and the inscription of that shield testified to the virtue, mercy, justice, and piety, for which the senate and Roman people gave it to me. After that time, I exceeded all in influence, but I had no greater power than the others who were colleagues with me in each magistracy. 
When I administered my thirteenth consulate (2 B.C.E.), the senate and Equestrian order and Roman people all called me father of the country, and voted that the same be inscribed in the vestibule of my temple, in the Julian senate-house, and in the forum of Augustus. When I wrote this I was seventy-six years old. "

Lucius' reading of the 'Res Gestae Divi Augusti', and his Latin, were flawless, and there followed some polite applause.
© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
SVNT AVGURIIS ET FVNERIS
(The Omens and Funeral Rites)

While the 'Res Gestae Divi Augusti' was being read, each of the three headless boys had his belly slit open and, having been being deftly disemboweled, had his liver removed and examined by one of the priests, who was a haruspex,
This was 'de rigeur' if a sacrifice was to be legitimate.
In the Roman religion, a haruspex (plural haruspices; also called aruspex) was a person trained to practice a form of divination called haruspicy (haruspicina); the inspection of the entrails (exta), hence also extispicy (extispicium) of sacrificed animals. The reading of omens specifically from the liver is also known by the Greek term hepatoscopy (also hepatomancy). The Roman concept is directly derived from Etruscan religion, as one of the three branches of the 'disciplina Etrusca' - much beloved on Novius. The art of haruspicy was taught in the 'Libri Tagetici', a collection of texts attributed to Tages, a childlike being, who figures in Etruscan mythology. The Libri Tagetici were translated into Latin and employed in reading omens. The continuity of the Etruscan tradition among the Romans is indicated by several ancient literary sources, perhaps most famously in the incident related by Suetonius in which a haruspex named Spurinna warned Julius Caesar to beware the Ides of March. The emperor Claudius (who reigned just prior to this to this story), was a student of the Etruscan language and antiquities, and opened a college to preserve and improve their art.
Fortunately the livers of all the three boys exhibited excellent omens.
If they had not, then the whole 'Munera' would have had to be repeated.
The bodies, (including the head and genitals), of the three boy were then given funerals, late that same night, in the grounds of the villa
In accordance with the 'mos maiorum' (the 'traditions of the ancestors'), the body of each boy was washed, and anointed.
The liver was replaced, and the slit belly was sewn up.
The head and the scrotum were then sewn back onto the body, so that the boy could enter the afterlife 'whole'.
Funeral Pyre After the Munera ad Augustum
© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
An 'obol' (coin) was placed in the mouth of each boy, for Charon.
The bodies were then each dressed in a white tunic of expensive, imported cotton.
The bodies were then carried on a gilt wood bier, and they were followed by a group of slaves who had been known to the lads during their time at the villa.
Petronius, Asper and Markos were among the mourners, but predictably Atticus did not attend.
(Markos had not known Durus, Valentius or Ferox, but as Petronius had asked him to attend the funerals, he felt obliged).
Marble Funeral Vases for the Ashes of the Three Bustuarii
© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
None of the freedmen or Gracchus attended as this was a funeral for slaves.
The funeral itself was paid for by Gracchus (this was unusual, as gladiators would normally have to 'club together' to pay for funeral arrangements, and the bodies of slaves were often simply discarded - at Baiae often thrown into the sea.).
While the funeral pyres were burning a libation of the finest wine, and expensive, imported incense was sprinkled over the flames.
Finally, when the funeral piles burned down, more fine wine was used to douse the embers, so that the ashes could be gathered and placed in funerary urns.
On Gracchus orders, the extremely expensive funeral urns were then retained in the villa, and were later placed in a shrine to the Divine Augustus, that Gracchus had later built in one of the smaller atria of the villa.
Muraenas
A Rather Jolly Looking Muraenas
Contemporary Roman Mosaic
To the modern reader the treatment of the slave-boys at Gracchus' 'munera' might seem reprehensible. It must be remembered, however, that under Roman law a master had 'potestatem vitae et mortis', (the power of life and death) over his slaves. He could execute his slaves, although it was generally accepted that this should only be done for good reason. The case of Publius Vedius Pollio, who lived some time before Gracchus, is a case in point. When his slaves displeased him, he had them fed to muraenas, that he maintained for that purpose - and it is significant that his 'friend', the Princeps Augustus, stepped in and forbade the practice, and publicly repudiated Pollio. Gracchus' treatment of the slave-boys at the 'munera', however, would be seen at the time as perfectly correct. In principle they had been offered the opportunity to take part in the 'munera', and had apparently consented of the own free will. The 'munera' itself was not seen as a cruel 'entertainment', but as a religious rite, undertaken on behalf of the community, and the defeated boys were sacrificed in strict accordance with the ritual requirements of 'Romanae religionem'. Subsequently, the boys who had been sacrificed were provided with the required (and very lavish), funeral rites, all paid for by Gracchus, on behalf of the community. The only individual who was open to any criticism, in Roman eyes, was the slave-boy Atticus - who may well have been responsible for the switching of the gladius at the 'munera', and who, equally reprehensibly, had not attended the funeral ceremonies of the three, dead boys - and of course, Gracchus would 'deal' with Atticus at a later date.
© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
POST FESTVM
(After the Banquet)

But back to the 'convivium' - Gracchus then rose from his seat, and accompanied by his 'entourage', (including Markos), he walked down the center of the hall - spoke briefly to Lucius, and then left the hall - leaving his guests to finish their conversations and meal, and later take their leave.
Meanwhile, Terentius relieved Markos of the exquisite, and expensive, wine jug that Markos had been carrying throughout the evening as 'cup-bearer', and told him to go and assist young Glykon at the main entrance to the villa.
And so ended the Banquet at the Villa Auri - held to commemorate the birthday of the late Emperor Octavian Augustus - the first Princeps.
It may seem very strange to the modern reader that a banquet could be held that would involve eating and drinking, a sexually explicit performance by naked slave-boys, followed by three bloody gladiatorial fights to the death, and then the performance of a choral hymn to the memory of a dead emperor, and a long, flowery, (and mainly political) recitation.
Such a series of entertainments at a banquet for members of elite Roman society were not, however, unusual, and are attested to by numerous literary and historical sources - and, in fact, much stranger 'goings on' regularly occurred at many a high class 'convivium' (feast or party).
© Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
POLITICORVM
(Politics)

The reading of the 'Res Gestae Divi Augusti', towards the end of the 'convivium' surprised many of Gracchus' more astute guests, including the Tribune Marcellus.
Gracchus was an individual who always ensured that he steered well clear of all matters political.
He was one of the richest men in the empire and, of course, a senator, although he rarely attended meetings of that august body, except on what were deemed to be 'ceremonial' occasions.
He had never run for public office, and it was almost unknown for him to comment on political matters.
He gave the impression that he was a wealthy 'provincial' aristocrat, interested in art and literature, and all things Greek, and ran, as a hobby, a small amphitheatre in Baiae, and that his money came from the land he owned.
It was generally not known to his friends and 'clients' that, apart from the Villa Auri, he had numerous other magnificent villas scattered around the countryside in Souther Italy, and also in Greece.
Nero
Because he was careful to keep a 'low profile', both politically and financially, he had managed to survive the depredations of the current emperor, Nero, that had ruined many wealthy senators and persons of influence.
While no mention, let alone criticism of Nero had been made at the 'convivium', anyone with a modicum of intelligence could see that, by detailing the achievements of the 'Divine Augustus', there was the possibility of a comparison between the reign of Augustus, and that of Nero - to the detriment of Nero.
Initially, of course, Gracchus had cautiously approved of the young Nero, as Nero was a philhellene, and therefore there were similarities between Gracchus' tastes and those of the new young Emperor.
The Great Fire of Rome - 64 AD
As time went on, however, Gracchus had privately disapproved of Nero, and while not blaming the emperor (as many did) for the fire in Rome, he was unable to support Nero's rebuilding schemes, which were financially ruining the empire.
The Great Fire of Rome was an urban fire that started on the night between 18 and 19 July in the year 64 AD. It caused widespread devastation, before being brought under control after six days.
It was in an attempt to raise money for his absurd building schemes that Nero had relieved so many rich and influential Roman citizens of their money, and in many cases their lives.
As has already been stated, Gracchus conducted himself in such a way that he had escaped Nero's attentions.
Some, who had attended the 'convivium', wondered if Gracchus had some knowledge concerning Nero's possible 'fall', and that he had therefore felt it was possibly 'safe', at that point, to make this relatively 'veiled' criticism.
As it happened, the 'convivium' took place on 23 September 67 AD, and Nero committed suicide on 9 June 68 AD.

'and the story continues -  first - find out what happened after the 'munera' !
Then it's a matter of rumors about Markos and Gracchus swirling around the villa, but are nothing compared to what is happening in the outside world as the Roman Empire totters on the verge of collapse, - and Gracchus consults the Sibyl at Cumae, in a desperate attempt to find out what the future may hold !
   
go to the link below to continue the story
 © Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016
TEXT - © Copyright Vittorio Carvelli 2016



2 comments:

  1. I'm disappointed at the discrepancy between the pictures of Valentius death and the text description. He's said to be bleeding too much to continue fighting and is consequently appropriate for sacrifice and has his hands bound behind him. Yet he is unblemished and unbound in the pictures, which look more like a simple wanton murder than a religious event. Petronious moment of guilt is a nice touch -- and, like Marcus, I'm besotted with him and very fearful of what might be in store for him in that private display for the Donald Trump character from Rome who's imposed himself on Graccius in the chapter now developing. It's amazing how arousing these stories can be as long as they stick to what's explained as Roman custom. I agree that what happened to Ferox was a terrible thing and that the boy who switched swords got his just dessert. The seeming emphasis on teenage gladiators is a bit surprising, but it makes the tales all the more poignant. I'm concerned that many illustrations thruout the website have been deleted - is it the youth of the participants that's causing problems?

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  2. You are quite right that there are discrepancies between some of the images and the text descriptions, and I will attempt to rectify the problem as soon as I get some time. Studies have shown that teenage gladiators were not at all unusual - 40 was considered old, unless you were a patrician - Octavian began his struggle against the 'Liberatores' at 19, and girls married at 13. Just to spoil things for everybody, Petronius is blessed by good fortune - so there is little need to be fearful for him. I am very puzzled about your comment about images being deleted. Perhaps you could contact me at carvellivittorio@gmail.com an indicate which images have been deleted, as my views of the material show that the images are all present. Thank you for your comments - and i hope to hear from you in the future.

    Vitto

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